Victory for Obama is victory for Kenya

President Kibaki did what every other Kenyan could have done if they were in his position as president. That is to declare a public holiday in honor of the son of the son of the soil Barrack Obama. Barrack Obama is American with Kenyan roots and no one can change that. So please E-news channel, leave Kibaki alone and let Kenyans enjoy Obama's victory, after all, they were celebrating the whole night after Obama won and surely, many could have missed work the following day and therefore the holiday was well deserved.

I am responding to a programme that I saw earlier today on E-news channel claiming that president Kibaki of Kenya is the failure of the week in their list of failures, just because he granted Kenya a holiday in honor of Obama. This guy, in a suit, continued that in January Kenyans were fighting because of the disputed elections and it was foolish for the president to declare a holiday when Kenya needed to go back to work to rebuild itself.

Honestly, this guy is shortsighted. Firstly, he sees the forest and not the trees. His judgment is based on what is actually on the surface without taking a minute to think about the underlying issues. Obama’s victory for one, is a chance for Kenyans to reunite holiday or not, and defeat tribal alliances that plagued the recent elections, it is a chance to celebrate unity in a man who is not only a Kenyan son of the soil but American at the same time.

It is a chance for them to see that anyone can be the  President of Kenya and break the perception that presidency only belong to a group of people. This is a lesson that comes when memories of tribal hatred are still fresh in the minds of Kenyans, it is good for peace and tolerance in the country. Perhaps the holiday will help Kenyans reflect on such things. This is what Obama's victory means given the Kenyan context.

As for E-news channel, and the guy in the suit, this is the question; why are you only concerned with petty things such as holidays in Kenya and yet there are serious issues that need further analysis and interpretation and media leadership in Africa such as the crisis in the DRC and the war in Southern Sudan and Ethiopia?

Clearly the news presenter or the journalist who wrote the story was lazy. Faced with time pressure and deadlines versus audiences thirst for news, he simply linked Obama (given that the name Obama is news) to a case in Kenya that is not even worth analysing. He had to come up with something you know... “If you don’t ... you get fired”. After all, the seed of humility, greatness, unity and tolerance was conceived in the USA courtesy of  the son of the soil.

Thanks to Barrack senior who hailed from Kogelo- Rural Kenya for the seed he planted. Kibaki is just watering the tree. After all, I can bet that Obama himself accepts Kibaki's gesture as a great honor and you know why? He is so in love with Kogelo (his Kenyan Village) in such a way that he can bypass Nairobi and fly directly into Kisumu (with the new airport) closer to Kogelo whenever he visists his relatives-little wonder the tiny Kisumu airport is being upgraded to international standards, do you see such benefits?

After all, he will be the only US president to have set foot in Kenya given that Clinton visited Uganda while Bush went to Tanzania. If Kenya could have such useless public holidays like Moi day which mean nothing to Kenyans, then, surely, Obama day should not be contested. E-news channel, please leave Kibaki alone, he is a Kenyan Honoring an American with Kenyan roots. Clean up the political mess in South Africa first before you begin pointing fingers. As for the guy in the suit, I hope you got paid.

A sigh of relief for comrade Mbeki

Morgan Tsvangirai shakes hand with Robert Mugabe in Harare after reaching an agreement that set grounds for further negotiations on Monday.(File picture from www.aljazeera.net/english)

I was curious, watched the media, saw Zimbabweans flooding all over Johannesburg and watched some of them being attacked in the recent xenophobic attacks, even heard some of them criticising Mbeki for entertaining Mugabe. I was even more curious and decided to buy 'the dream deferred-Thabo Mbeki. This book gave me a clear background and contextual knowlege on the relationship between Mbeki and Mugabe. It is here that I once again came head-on with words such as comrade,neo-imperialism and the famous anti-imperialism debate came to my mind.

 Mbeki's arguments on African reinaissance is that Africans must find African solutions to their own problems and should avoid relying on the West for help. Further, he emphasizes that the West should trade fairly with Africa in the increasingly expanding global capital market as equal partners and not just act as a dumping site for excesses of capitalism.

The African market should be sustainable, and this self sustainability should be supported by the IMF and other regional trading blocks to reduce Africa's dependency on the West for financial assistance like SADC, COMESA and EAC. Of course, Mbeki's approach has led to a few breakthroughs such as the establishment of the AGOA Africa growth and opportunity Act which is actuality encouraging African manufacturers to find market for their products abroad at a fair price.

Another issue in Mbeki's debate is the muscling of the African Union which is a manifestation of the idea that Africa must strive to work towards unity to find solutions to the African problems.
His involvement towards this goal has been directed towards finding solutions to the problems facing Africa. Of course, with South Africa as an economic giant in Africa, he has succeeded in negotiation peace settlements in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Sudan the DRC, Somali and now in the neighboring country Zimbabwe.In Liberia, his efforts led to the first democratic elections in that country that saw the first female president in Africa elected.

Some of this countries have now found peace while others are still battling to find a solution, however, South Africa's and therefore Mbeki's presence is still felt in those countries as they strive to help them come to some form of an agreement through the African Union peace keeping force. And so AU has been quite active in Africa over the past couple of years.

The African Union was involved in helping find a peaceful solution to the Kenyan crisis through the help of the United nations. The African Union is also teaming up once again with the United Nations to find a local solution in Zimbabwe. This is what Mbeki calls African Renaissance. Africa should unite to find local solutions affecting the continent.

I don't mean to sound as if the African renaissance debate was the sole brainchild Mbeki, what I mean here is that Mbeki is following the vision of our African forefathers/leaders like Kwame Nkuruma of Ghana and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya who saw the need for pan-Africanism which saw the birth of the Organization of African Union which later transformed to African Union as it now stands.

There is no doubt that Nkuruma or Kenyatta would be happy at the way in which the AU is currently influencing world politics on affairs concerning the African continent and furthermore, African countries are more bound to trust a deal brokered through their very own body (the AU) because of the perceived suspicion of the so called neo-imperialism.

And so many people raised concern about Mbeki's efforts in finding a peaceful solution to the Zimbabwe crisis and the efforts were later named 'quite diplomacy'. This term was very common in South Africa when referring to Mbeki and can account for the loss of Mbeki's popularity in some quarters of South African politics despite his economic achievements.

Nevertheless, Mbeki has been adamant in his approach, which is, that the people of Zimbabwe must seat together and come to some form of agreement that will be for the benefit of Zimbabwe and that South Africa and SADC will do everything necessary to support such efforts for a peaceful settlement. Unfortunately, this was dismissed as an empty rhetoric.

Mbeki was ambitious on gettimng both sides to reach an agreement to pave ways for a lasting solution rather than regime change parse. The current brokered deal which some suspect might use the Kenyan model has impetus for posterity because it will result, for one thing, to constitutional reforms that will pave way for genuine democratic institutions-such structures are lacking in Zimbabwe and many countries in Africa.

I will refer once again to an article published by Nyaga Munyi titled Kenya's crisis and challenges of democracy in Africa, in the article he argues that Africa’s democratic honeymoon is fast coming to an end, and Kenya’s sudden drift into chaos is a wake-up call across the continent for a more concerted investment in governance programmes.

After a decade of democratic gains, Africa now finds itself in a marshland, and Nigeria, Kenya and even South Africa (Africa pillars) are in a defining moment. The next five years will mark a watershed in the continent’s democratic consolidation.

He claims that the violence in Kenya, due to political discontent, brings into sharp focus the challenges of democracy in Africa and the need for heterodoxity in political governance among African governments and institutions working “to promote democracy” in Africa.

As far Zimbabwe is concerned, Mbeki has emerged as the best mediator because no doubt, and in his biography 'the dream deferred' Mugabe calls him 'young man' which technically elevates Mugabe to an African elder in the eyes of Mbeki. On the other hand, both  are comrades and therefore Mbeki is more likely to convince him of the importance of finding a solution to the crisis in Zimbabwe after all, what are comrades for.

Contesting the public sphere in the current democratic crisis in Kenya-Who sets the media Agenda, why and what next?

This article will discuss the recent political crisis in Kenya and the position of the Kenyan media following the 2007 disputed  election involving two main rival political parties, ODM and PNU. The critical questions here are: which voices did the media represent and why? and  what is the way forward for African democracy?

In an attempt to address these questions, a critical approach is taken on theories of the press such as agenda setting and bullet theories. This will be looked at in the context of theories of democracy, particularly, ‘rethinking public sphere by Jurgen Habermus and  alternative ideas of the public sphere championed by Kwame Appiah from Ghana, with a special look at  cosmopolitanism. But first, what is the public sphere?

The public sphere
According to Harbermus, this is a political space created only in the electioneering period where the ruling class position themselves to convince the electorate (mostly proletariats ) through campaigns that they are fit to be their leaders.


Lucy Oriang’ in her article in the Daily Nation dated 01st Feb. 2008 writes that “only a month or so ago, this country (Kenya) was awash with posters, huge spending on billboards and a massive assault on our senses in both print and electronic media. The political parties spent billions trying to win us over to their side. We were inspired, and the turnout was more than even the most optimistic of pundits could have anticipated”. Oriang's lamentation raises two issues in Kenya's politics, like politics elsewhere in the world. The idea that alot of money is spent on approving political messages to convince voters on certain party positions cannot be gainsaid.Therefore, campaign money and media houses are good bedfellows. So what's the special relationship between these two variables (The media and Money)? Clearly, campaigning and advertising is an expensive task. In the United States for instance, according to Fox news, US senator Barrack Obama had raised $52 million by June and Senator McCaine raised 21.5 million for their campaign respectively. Huge chunks of money spent there.

But what happens after elections?
Unlike Kenya, the US president to be is likely to deliver more on issues of policies preached during the campaign. However, they too are bound to inherit institutionalized state machinery that, over the years of America's existence, has been formed through solid and rigid foundations that defines the nation's existence and socio-economic strategic positioning in global politics and is unlikely to change with change in leadership. Having established this fact then, the famous ‘change campaign’ by Barrack Obama will be a little bit more of a change in the ‘actor’ at the level of the presidential figurehead and a different style of handling certain policies, especially the US foreign policy, than a radical shift on conservative ideas about America. We already see Obama visiting Afghanistan and pledging to increase the number of troops there. He actually claims that the ‘war on terror’ should shift from Iraq to Afghanistan. Of course, one should be careful when it comes to fighting terrorism and it is unfortunate that Obama will inevitably inherit this war  and the manner in which he handles it is still to be seen.

So what do elections really mean and do they actually bring genuine changes in the society or is it just an occasional material  manifestation of power hungry individuals? Harbermus see election as the climax of the public sphere contest. In his (1962) paper on the structural transformation of the public sphere “rethinking public sphere” Jurgen Habermus defines the public sphere as a political arena created only during the electioneering period to create a public space to contest for power. He therefore, sees it as a very seasonal, semi-permanent, almost artificial arrangement where the so called ruling class emerge to make promises to the proletariat if elected.

One interesting thing is that in order to make it to this arena, you must have wealth. In other words, you must be rich and that is why money is a big part of the electoral equation. In third world countries such as Kenya  and in some Western countries, it is mostly the rich who will make it to this arena which is always shocased through media publicity as billions of dollars go into servising political messages in the mainstream media. However, the truth is those who enjoy media publicity are the few who can afford such publicity. This means that the majority of the citizens will be faced with limited options when it comes to choice of leaders during elections because they have to choose from this limited group of "rich" people that have already occupied that space (public sphere). Any new entry into  the space is highly criticized and fought through propaganda and other means. These 'leaders' come with dozens of promises if elected. In the case of Kenya, Oriang has the following examples of promise that were given by Kenyan politicians

• Bad politics will inevitably breed bloodshed. Throw money into the mix, and there will be hell to pay. So there’s tension in the teaching ranks and the election is just around the corner? Give them a juicy pay raise, but let it be known that it is only effective after the election. That way you get to keep them on a leash.
• So the community next door is feeling that “one of their own” is not in a high level government position? Well, give a slew of them the shadowy title of assistant minister. That will take care of the shared national resources issue, never mind that they don’t really do any serious work and that they will not be sharing their pay with their constituents. Hell, no!
• AS FOR FREE EDUCATION, AN ELECTION is hardly the right time to refer to the small print to do with class sizes and all the extra costs that come with children going to school.
• Are the long suffering people up in the north complaining about “development” not reaching them? A handful of boreholes should do the trick. Better still, transfer some bulldozers to the district headquarters — and keep them there until after things have gone quiet. That way, they will not be asking how life is down there in Kenya.

I am sure you can find your own local examples of how cash campaigns have corrupted our politics. I will add another one not in Oriang’s list. And this one came from President Kibaki  when he was still campaigning…and I tuned on on this day, and saw him saying it on TV and I will loosely quote him in his typical Swahili off the records talk “ na hakuna haja ya mimi kuweka picha yangu kwa pesa nikikuwa Rais , la, mimi sita fanya hivyo” or there was no need of him introducing money with an imprint of his image. Guess what? Unashamedly, this was the first thing he did weeks after being sworn in as the President. He introduced a Sh 40 coin that the economy did not really need. After several criticisms he justified the introduction of the coin claiming it was a souvenir. At that point I knew nothing had changed
.
What next then for the electorate?

According to Harbermus, the proletariat creates their own space, almost like a cultural practice, called “the subaltern counter public” . This space is created as an attempt to resist the domination by the ruling class and to topple it if need be. It manifests itself through the formation of civil rights groups which spearhead civil disobedience, demonstrations, and strikes and sometimes creates lawlessness. However, in the absence of strong civil societies and workers union in Kenya, the public ‘take the law into their own hands’ and arrange unplanned demonstrations and protest. If the latter happens in the absence of security and order then violence and crime becomes an obvious option.

This is exactly what happened in Kenya. Is this a step in the right direction? Yes, according to Harbermus, it is a move towards democracy but only when the demonstrations are peaceful and do not violate Human rights. Should demonstrations be allowed to happen? Yes, in an ideal democratic situation, demonstrations are positive and should not be banned. Part of the reason why there were violent protests in Kenya was the fact that tensions were brewing between members of different tribes which can be related to a history of poverty and inequality brought about by unequal distribution of resources and a political culture of ethnicity. Habermus argues that in an ideal democracy, there should be  multiplicity of thoughts/opinions and, therefore, different voices should be given a chance to speak out and be accommodated in attempt to reach "common good." In addition’ Habermus advocates for greater equality among the citizens but, nevertheless, accepts that real equality is difficult to achieve in bracketed societies prompting him to talk of closing the gap between the ‘haves’ and ‘have- nots’.

If we mirror this to what is happening in Kenya, clearly, the country was moving against the grain of ideal democracy.But why?

• Firstly, this was due to the fact that the government had no room for multiplicity of thoughts and had made the right to demonstrations and protests illegal, therefore if we are killing the subaltern counter public (a very crucial public in ideal democracy) and the culture so to speak, we cannot talk of liberty.
• Secondly, the gap between the rich and the poor has become even worse in Kibaki’s regime (I would like to revisit this contention in the future based on his leadership record). In the US citizens are asked whether they are better off now than the past four years and if the answer is no, then the incumbent President must be fired. Lastly, which brings me to the focus of this discussion, is that the press had been muzzled (another contention worth revisiting in the future) and therefore, the basic fundamental freedom of expression had been threatened thanks to internet blogs.

What then is the role played by the Kenyan Media?

The media has well been known to set agendas and to use values such as prominence in their effort to report news stories to satisfy the interests of the public. How then did the Kenyan media handle this election crisis?

The media in Kenya did a tremendous job prior to the elections covering campaigns and providing air time and space for candidates to reach the masses. The media equally did well in releasing opinion polls that largely predicted parliamentary election outcomes which came to materialise. Part of the reason why the presidential vote tallying was contested can be related to the fact that the media had extensively covered  the voting process and had been releasing unofficial results that Kenyans religiously believed. The dispute therefore emerged when the official results did not match what the media had predicted earlier. Knowing the influence and the power of the media, just minutes after being sworn in, the government banned all live broadcasting, a move that undermined freedom of the press and the very fundamental freedom of expression. Why did the government resort to such a move? Because the media is still considered powerful and can send messages like a ‘bullet’ that will 'kill' the audience. However, the move did not stop the violence between rival tribal groupings.

During this period the Kenyan Human rights Watch member Mr Maina Kiai in an article pubished by The Star, Tuesday 10 2008 titled Kenyan media spurns violence and calls for peace was quoted saying that "the kenyan media failed to search underneath the surface to look for the root cause of a political crisis". He was accusing the Kenyan media of hiding the reality, especially, related to what many saw as tribal cleansing related to the disputed presidential elections in Kenya. He argued that “The only way to peace is through truth and justice. It’s not enough to be calm; we need the truth". Kiai's criticisms helps this article  underscore two issues:

First, one of the roles of the media is to inform but within the boundaries of social responsibility. Even as the media strives to report the truth to the public by giving out facts and real objective accounts of events that take place to satisfy their interest, it has to do so in a manner not likely to incite the society into more violence.

Secondly, that the idea of tribalism is an identity problem and it is worsened by the stereotypes attached to the "other" whether negative or positive. Identity issues are ideological and one of the ways in which ideology thrives is through propaganda and naming or blaming the "other". The worst cases become violent and are infused with elements of tribal cleansing and possible genocide. The Senegalese president addressing this years AU summit in Ethiopia equated the Kenyan situation to some form of genocide.

However, the Kenyan media avoided the naming of either the victims or perpetrators of the violence and chose to preach peace. This was a positive move since the media abandoned the notion of commercializing news content for the sake of profits and resorted to investigative/critical journalism that later helped in the re-unification of Kenyans. This demonstrated a move to the much called for maturity needed regarding the conduct of the Kenyan media. It further proves that, at that difficult moment,  the Kenyan media really upheld its role as a watchdog.

In any human rights issue related to two or more conflicting interest groups, the rule of law anywhere in the world will defend the idea of balancing rights to see which one outweighs or  infringes on the other. In this case, the Kenyan media seems to have understood that the right to peace outweighs the right for Kenyans to know (freedom to receive information) which tribe was 'killing' which one and in what manner, something that would have only escalated the conflict. However, according to Sisule F. Msungu, writing from Geneva on the 24th of Jan 2008, there are ways in which the Kenyan media also failed Kenyans. He argues that Kenyans have always known the weakness of the ECK and the courts, which is why looking at the conduct of the media becomes important in thinking about what went wrong.

Msungu further argues that in successive polls over the years, Kenyans have consistently ranked the media as the most trusted institution coming ahead of even the church. Public institutions such as the courts and parliament have never won the confidence of the country. While there has been intense discussion about how the international media reported the post election violence, there has been little discussion about how the local media handled the whole situation. The media could, and should have provided credible and useful information regarding the issues and numbers in the disputed constituencies. The media also failed to appreciate the importance of the dispute, and reduced it to a two-man affair. The "it depends on Kibaki and Raila" approach which did not, and would not help.

Why did the Kenyan media initially failed to play the watchdog role to stand by the publicly announced results at the polling and constituency level to ensure that there was no fiddling or allegation of fiddling? Msungu points out that hours before the ECK declared Kibaki the winner, it was clear that the mainstream media -- with their extensive network -- had possession of most, if not all results and were in a position to publicly announced results but they failed to do so. He further claims  that both the Daily Nation on its website and the Kenya Television Network (KTN) did in fact display advanced figures on Dec. 30 before suddenly withdrawing the figures. The Daily Nation's figures, for example, showed Odinga with over 4.5 million votes and Kibaki at just over 4.2 million. In the USA the media officially declares the winner on Presidential elections based on independent opinion polling.

What then is democracy? Is it all about elections?

Democracy ideally, simply means the freedom to choose a leader that every citizen of a sovereign country should enjoy without being intimidated nor forced or threatened. In the West, and in countries like the United States, democracy goes hand in hand with the first amendment in the American constitution which means freedom of expression. Of course this includes freedom of religion, association, and a couple of other rights that are human rights and are embedded in the constitution. Within this context therefore, comes the right to vote and choose the leader one personally feels suitable to govern the sovereign state.

Freedom of the press  is an extension of individual freedom and rights as stipulated or as should be stipulated in every 'democratic country's constitution. Note that the word democracy is in quotes, this is because democracy itself is an ideal system  that has been perceived as an utopian concept, at least, according to Habermus. There is really nothing like democracy in world politics, especially in a country like Kenya. Even though Habermus conceded that it is difficult to achieve democracy in its ideal sense, he argues that a move towards ideal democracy is when there is multiplicity of thoughts for common good and greater equality among citizens and ,perhaps, this is the situation in leading democracies such as the United States and Britain. However, these two countries also have their own versions of inequality and seclusions.

According to Nyaga Munyi’s recent article titled "Kenya's crisis and challenges of democracy in Africa," Africa’s democratic honeymoon is fast coming to an end, and Kenya’s sudden drift into chaos is a wake-up call across the continent for a more concerted investment in governance programmes. After a decade of democratic gains, Africa now finds itself in a marshland, and Nigeria, Kenya and even South Africa are in a defining moment. The next five years will mark a watershed in the continent’s democratic consolidation.He claims that the violence in Kenya due to political discontent "brings into sharp focus the challenges of democracy in Africa and the need for heterodoxity in political governance among African governments and institutions working to promote democracy in Africa."

The situation in Kenya he continues "exposes the fragile nature of the country’s democracy and points to the role the international community should play in developing African politics which, like its music, moves in sweeping waves. Thus, the democratic disillusionment has produced two major trends in African politics, which will complicate the continent’s democratic development in the next decade — the ethnic and the socialist appeals." These trends, he concludes, "reflect responses to a sense of economic exclusion where ordinary people feel that the political institutions are not aptly responsive to their problems" as demonstrated in Africa's pillars of democracy.  As far as Kenya is concerned, the government has a difficult task and a long rugged road to go.This can be summed up by three things the government must do:

• The first one is to leave the media alone,
• The second one is to eradicate the biggest slum in in Kenya (Kibera) and others and
• Allow the opposition to stage peaceful protests and their agenda be included in the constitution for common good.

The second point above is unlikely to materialize any time soon but regarding  the third, at least there is the government of National Unity running to ensure there are some radical shifts in the way the institutions that defend democracy like the legislature, judiciary and media operate. This can be achieved  through constitutional amendments that are already taking shape.

So what next for Kenya and democracy in the Africa?

In his essay on cosmopolitanism, Appiah  talks of a situation where there is interaction through intelligence and curiosity as well as engagement. This means that people are driven through shared common human values and do not regard each other as strangers “othering”. This can be made more practical through media interaction, especially through new media such as internet blogging, where people can interact as a way towards reaching a common goal. No wonder Kenyans kept the world informed through internet blogs when a ‘state of emergency’ was declared on the media by the incumbent regime, banning all live broadcast at the height of the post-election violence. For Appiah, when there is an opportunity for people to have dialogue on contetious issues for mutual understanding, it is more of a move towards a cosmopolitan society.

Writers Profile: Fredrick Ogenga has a bachelors and a masters degree in Media & Journalism studies. He is an independent media consultant & analyst, a freelance writer, reporter for africanews.com, lecturer  and the founding director of Tazama Media Consultants. He is also pursuing a PhD in media studies at the University of Witwatersrand. Ogenga has published widely in the field of gender, HIV/AIDS, health and other socio-political issues and is listed in the UNAIDS database of consultants. His latest contribution on gender and HIV/AIDS can be found in the fourth issue of the 2008 media diversity journal at www.genderlinks.org.za. He also runs his own blog www.tazamamediaconsultants.blogspot.com

Tsha Tsha entertainment-education series challenges masculinity among HIV-positive men in Soweto

By Frederick Oduor Ogenga.

I am currently working as an independent media consultant, freelancer and lecturer. I am also pursuing a PHD in Media Studies at the University of Witwatersrand, South Africa.

Abstract
This article is an excerpt from a study that aimed to examine the production of HIV/AIDS lessons on Tsha Tsha Entertainment-Education and their reception by HIV-positive men in Soweto, and to find out whether this response impacted on their perception of their roles and responsibilities in HIV/AIDS. The rationale behind this study was that gender and HIV/AIDS has been critical in interventions aimed at combating the disease. Studies in South Africa on gender have revealed that versions of masculinity can be implicated in the increasing infection rates of HIV/AIDS making efforts to combat the disease problematic. A qualitative methodology was used. This method included interviews and focus group discussions. Five interviews were done with programme producers and researchers of Tsha Tsha to find out the major considerations in production. An average of seven HIV-positive men were exposed to 12 episodes of Tsha Tsha to find out their responses in six focus group discussions, and whether these indicated a changed perceptions in their roles and responsibilities in HIV/AIDS. Their responses were then examined under Bandura’s (1971) social learning theory and Hall’s (1977) encoding-decoding theory .This theories explain the considerations in the production of lessons in Tsha Tsha and how audiences respond to those lessons respectively. The findings revealed that audiences (HIV-positive) men identified with lessons around HIV-testing, disclosure, support and those that challenge stigma and masculinity in HIV/AIDS. Disclosure emerged as a major theme and was compared with sub themes of testing, stigma, masculinity and social support to form categories that were presented as the findings. While HIV-disclosure is seen as challenging HIV/AIDS stigma and masculinity, where men accept their condition, and take responsibility to continue occupying their space as men, E-E production is seen can reinforce lessons around disclosure and other coping strategies to combat HIV/AIDS.

Key words: HIV/AIDS, testing, disclosure, support, gender, masculinity, South Africa, Entertainment –Education

I have spent many years as part of the media audience about different forms of HIV/AIDS campaign and messages but one really got my attention. However, this was when I used to work in Nairobi, Kenya, for a Non Governmental organization Known as Population Communication International (PCI). At our PCI menu, we offered an Entertainment–Education (E-E) Programme called Ushikwapo Shikamana which translates to “if assisted, assist yourself”. Although this was a series appearing on radio and broadcasted in Kenya and Tanzania, it had a remarkable impact on the audiences based on the characters (models) that embodied HIV/AIDS and other lessons. I was therefore curious to find out to what extent, in terms of audience effect, can a similar TV programme elicit. I therefore began my research by studying (E-E) as a genre for addressing HIV/AIDS but realised that I needed to have a holistic knowledge of the complexity of HIV/AIDS which goes beyond a simplistic media (television E-E) intervention.

Masculinity
During the process, I found out that the study of gender and HIV/AIDS has been critical in interventions aimed at combating the disease. In South Africa, studies have been done under African sexuality in the area of HIV/AIDS. These studies have revealed that masculinity around sex and sexuality depicted women as more vulnerable to HIV/AIDS than men, and men as the drivers of the epidemic (Kometsi, 2004). Masculinity is visible around issues such as having multiple partner, fear of testing, fear of disclosure, men’s ‘Macho’ attitude that ensures they don’t seek treatment, and rejection of their partners when they realize they are positive. According to anthropologists, masculinity is a core set of activities or traits which are transculturally associated with men (Morell, 1991. p. 5)

The perception towards traditional gender roles partially constructed by culture, where notions of masculinity thrive, ensures that men don’t take responsibility in HIV/AIDS. These notions have disempowered men, leaving them vulnerable and making it difficult for them to cope with the epidemic. The perceived vulnerability of women has led to several efforts to empower women with little efforts focusing on men’s vulnerability (Kometsi, 2004; Gupta, 2000; Mane & Aggleton, 2001). The empowerment of women in South Africa on gender equality has perhaps threatened and disempowered men. The ‘New Gender Order’ amidst traditional masculinity has left men confused. They have lost their traditional roles dictated by power positions in the society. This is evident in the increase of domestic violence and sexual abuse of women and children including baby rape (Morell, 2001; Reid &Walker, 2005)

However, as my research is now indicating, there is a changing masculinity particularly in HIV/AIDS that is now penetrating the spaces of traditional masculinity, especially around men’s roles and responsibilities in HIV/AIDS. (Reid & Walker, 2001; Morell, 2004; Garson, 2004). I found out how masculinity crumbles in the face of the epidemic, by the fact that men become weakened by the disease and they lose their dignity due to the association of the disease with ‘bad sex’ that leads to ‘bad death’ (Posel, 2003). These men are forced to forge a new masculinity especially around their roles and responsibilities, through taking certain actions at a post infection level. These are the decisions and roles they play following the disclosure of their status to significant others to ensure their well being and those of their partners. These are actions such as testing for HIV, living positively with HIV disclosure, Stigma and opening up for support for themselves and their partners at different levels (partner, family and community level).

Change, seldom happens in a vacuum, there has to be social forces that drive the change. One of the possibilities of bringing about change is through the media. Entertainment- Education (E-E), has been used as one of the most effective vehicle for social change. This is evident through the evaluation of audience response of E-E programmes like Soul City and evaluation of the first 26 episodes of Tsha Tsha which contributed in the change of the audience member’s perception in HIV/AIDS (Kelly et al, 2005). I conducted this research in Soweto and therefore I looked at the production of HIV/AIDS lessons on the Entertainment-Education television programme Tsha Tsha and their reception by HIV-positive men in Soweto.

The objectives of this research were two fold: Firstly, I wanted to assess the production of HIV/AIDS lessons on Tsha Tsha Entertainment-Education and their reception by HIV positive men in Soweto and secondly, to find out whether this response impacts on HIV-positive men’s perception of their roles and responsibilities in HIV/AIDS.

The questions I was addressing in this research were; what lessons in HIV/AIDS did producers encode in Tsha Tsha? How did HIV-positive men respond to these lessons? And whether these lessons helped them change their perceptions on their roles and responsibilities in HIV/AIDS?

While reviewing the background literature in the field of African sexuality studies, I realized that most scholars agree that there are different forms of masculinities. From a historical perspective, masculinity as a key concept in gender studies has impacted on HIV/AIDS in several ways. This is because masculinity has defined and shaped the nature of heterosexual relationships and has also impacted on HIV/AIDS in South Africa. Masculinity is seen as heterogeneous and there is nothing like a single version of masculinity practiced by all men. There are different masculinities and an increased awareness, by some men, of their identity as a gendered construction which is open to change (changing men).


The nature of relationships between men and women in South Africa and their general perception of their roles and responsibilities within those relationships should be contextualised. They have partly been shaped by notions of masculinity and they include culturally defined gender roles in heterosexual interactions between partners in South Africa. These roles are partially defined by culture; they are patriarchal and legitimate men to exclude themselves in certain critical aspects of HIV prevention, testing, disclosure, care and support (Kometsi, 2004. p. 31-32). Culture constructs certain traditional gender roles which shape the way men and women interact. The major reason why there is a perceived lack of participation in HIV/AIDS interventions by men can be linked to how men perceive their roles and responsibilities in their relationship with their partners and in HIV/AIDS. Some traditional constructions of masculinity creates negative power over women and other sexual partners, acting as a setback when looked at in terms of combating HIV/AIDS (Kometsi, 2004. p. 37).


Gender plays a big role in the relationships between men and women. In the literature scholars have pointed to “a crisis of masculinity” characterised by instability and uncertainty over social roles and identities, sexuality, work and personal relationships (Frosh et al in Reid &Walker, 2005. p.161). Bob Conell, an Australian sociologist argues that men enjoyed the “patriarchal dividend” the advantage men in general gain from the subordination of women. Being a man, Conell argues, conferred power but not all men shared this power equally and not all were individually exploitative (Conell in Morell, 1991: p. 5). He cites men who are exploitative to other men, driven by the force of hegemonic masculinity. This is a form of masculinity that dominates other masculinities. It succeeds in creating prescriptions of masculinity which are binding (or at least partially so), and which create cultural images of what it meant to be a “real man” (Ibid). This masculinity is dominant in the society exercising its power over other rival masculinities and regulates male power over women and distributes this power differently amongst men. Hegemonic masculinity does not rely on brute force for its efficacy, but on a range of mechanisms which create a gender consensus that legitimates the power of men (Morell, 1991. p.7).

However, Morrell argues that even though most men profit from hegemonic masculinity, not every man holds this kind of masculinity. Hegemonic masculinity therefore tends to exclude marginalized groups in the society. Women hardly benefit from this form of masculinity. Donaldson (in Zlotnik 2000.p.12) notes that “a fundamental element of hegemonic masculinity is that women exist as potential sexual objects for men”. Men gain sexual validation not only by pursuing women but also competing for them. This is where hegemonic masculinity is associated with sexual conquest and having many sexual partners partially accounting for the rising infection rates of HIV in South Africa.

Masculinity socializes men to be macho risk takers and to crave for social power. Campbell (in Kometsi 2004. p. 84) claims that “frequent and unprotected sex with multiple partners may often be one of the few ways in which men can act on their hegemonic masculinity”. The active and conscious pursuit of real manhood or prescriptions of masculinity create anxiety precisely because of the shifting nature of the boundaries and its instability over time and place. The socialization described earlier creates men and women as opponents. It creates the perception that masculine power and status are under threat from those who are not masculine (Hooks in Kometsi, 2004. p. 85)

The effects of this hegemonic masculinity are severely felt in relationships between partners. Their sexual health is severely affected especially when they are HIV/positive. For example, one participant mentioned that he did not use condoms despite the fact that he was infected for fear that his manhood will be questioned by the partner, something that led to re-infection. In other cases, this situation is often characterized by men’s negligence in parental roles and their negligence of other roles and responsibilities such as HIV testing, disclosure, care and support. All participants found these issues problematic

Considering the fact that men are the ones that make many decisions in the family, it is imperative to ensure that they contribute wisely in decisions concerning their health and that of their partners. The burden that couples face due to HIV/AIDS is associated with the feeling of social rejection and stigma is difficult to deal with. This is the moment when men and women are required to work jointly, to support each other psychologically, emotionally and financially. It is likely that the kind of relationship existing between partners can influence the choices they make regarding their health.

With sex being central to the self-imaging of men as real men, which is men with power especially over women, women’s insistence on practicing safer sex might be seen as a challenge to the power of men (Kometsi, 2004.p.83). Therefore, in looking at men’s perception of their partners in their relationships and within the broader aspect of HIV/AIDS, it is clear that some decision regarding sex for instance decisions about condom use are problematic (Kometsi, 2004. p. 12). Nevertheless, both men and women (the society) participate in ensuring certain masculinities are privileged and not others. Both men and women are active participants in the perpetuation of some forms of masculinity depending on whether they are favoring them or not.

Changing masculinity
However, masculinities are fluid and should not be considered as belonging in a fixed way to any group of men. They are socially and historically constructed in a process which involves contestation between rival understandings of what being a man should involve. Masculinities are constantly being protected and defended, are constantly breaking down and being recreated.

Deaux (in Zlotnik, 2002. p. 9) observes that masculinity is socially constructed and changes as relationships between societies do, rather than being a natural attribute. Masculinity as a construct or set of attributes does not apply only to men. Rather, it is a construct that may constitute part of the identity of both men and women to some extent.

“Unreal” Aids review (2004) research done by Kometsi on masculinity and HIV/AIDS in South Africa, University of Pretoria indicates that men’s perceptions on masculinity influence their relations with others especially their partners. There is a link between some of men’s practices and the spread of HIV (Kometsi, 2004. p. 81). Power as an operational concept is essential in examining how some men relate to themselves, and more importantly to women. Traditional masculinity therefore becomes some men’s practices in such relationships. This are practices that dominant images of manhood are associated with (Kometsi, 2004. p. 81).

Connell (in Kometsi, 2004. p. 82) suggest the importance of looking at how men and women lead gendered lives as a lead into what the concept of masculinity means.
Masculinity represents not just an idea in the head, or a personality identity. It is also extended in the world, merged in organized social relations. Concepts of masculinity and femininity therefore become useful instruments in looking at men, women and their gender experiences in the context of HIV/AIDS. Considering that some men are rendered more powerful than women in patriarchal societies, it is important to look at the gender power dynamics. This can help us understand men’s perception in their relationships with their partners and their roles in HIV/AIDS especially in testing, stigma support and care.


Furthermore, the socio-economic and political context of HIV/AIDS in South Africa, where HIV/AIDS testing, stigma, disclosure, support and how they relate to masculinity have contributed greatly in the shaping and reshaping of these masculinities. In the political context, there have been debates about the casual link between HIV and AIDS and the crossfire between the government, pharmaceutical companies, civil societies and people living with HIV/AIDS about treatment options, and safety and efficacy of the drugs used for treatment. Within such a complexity, Tsha Tsha as an entertainment-education is used as a case study. Tsha Tsha strives to highlight on issues related to sexuality facing South Africans within a broader framework of addressing the problematic issue of HIV/AIDS.

Men are centrally implicated in the shifting sexual landscape in South Africa. There is a perception that the HIV/AIDS epidemic is driven by men, and men are blamed for the prevalence of domestic violence and child sexual abuse (Reid & Walker, 2005. p. 9; Mane & Aggleton, 2001). The recognition that it is men who spread the epidemic to women was ignored until the late 1990s. This is when it was recognised that since men have some power in sexual relationships they should shoulder the responsibility of preventing the transmission of HIV, protecting their own health as well as that of their female partners. Tsha Tsha presents new ways of targeting and addressing men that are not simply reinforcing traditional stereotypes of gender roles and masculine identities.

In the five interviews that I conducted with the producers of Tsha Tsha, there was an indication that they encode messages based on the assumption that human beings learn from their social environment through modeling (Bandura,1977). They use models that audience can identify with and learn from. While the producers come up with TV messeges in form of lessons through the programme, audiences (HIV-positive men) on the other side respond to such messages in a similar fashion. This explains the relationship between production and reception of such messages in the programme

After being exposed to 12 episodes of Tsha Tsha that had HIV/AIDS lessons purposely designed by programme producers about testing, disclosure and social support (encoding), the HIV-positive men indicated in the six focus grouped discussions, that followed the viewing, that they have learnt lessons about HIV-AIDS disclosure, testing social support through models in the programme. However, disclosure was the dominant theme as they explain in the following excerpts.

There is no any other way, you just have to disclose to the person you are concerned with and see what’s happening. Then you will get the support or you will get the negative response, it will depend. But it is better to stick to disclosure, you just have to disclose. Wellington. W. FGD.

Yah it’s good to talk to avoid thinking too much. WI. FGD.

This indicated that there is a level of success in changing audience perceptions if entertainment-education programmes are purposely designed with HIV/AIDS themes. Other lessons that they indicated to have learnt through the programme were the need to discourage multiple partners, living positively with HIV/AIDS disclosure and stigma, and having a better relationship.


Tsha Tsha therefore followed a theoretical approach that allows us to understand and partly explain production of lessons in Tsha Tsha, and largely explain the responses of HIV-positive men (audience) to the lessons presented. In this theoretical approach encoding is done within the genre of E-E, determining the product that appears in form of lessons. This genre (E-E) is defined by certain professional rules and regulations that define it. Therefore, the intention of the producers was for the audiences to share their version of meaning to the lessons they present when decoding these lessons.

Encoding-decoding theoretical approach therefore helps us understand how Tsha Tsha programme producers design lessons that encourage shared reading. It also explains how HIV-positive men respond to these lessons depending on several other factors. These factors include for instance, their HIV- positive condition. They identified with the lessons about HIV testing, disclosure and stigma out of the fact that they were already infected. Morley (1980), Fiske (1978) and Ang (in Downing et al 1990). Tsha Tsha audiences (HIV-positive) men had a preferred reading (shared reading; according to producers’ intentions) of lessons around HIV-disclosure, testing and stigma, and opening up for support and supporting others (their partners) in HIV/AIDS.

Disclosure
HIV-disclosure is seen as challenging HIV/AIDS stigma and traditional masculinity, where men accept their condition, and take responsibility to continue occupying their space as men. This they do through actions that promote their health and well being as well as those of their partners. The line between gender roles thus becomes invisible when it comes to HIV/AIDS.

Disclosure was repeatedly shown in the episodes through different characters at different contexts. Disclosure of HIV/AIDS in the programme was presented across many episodes as a necessary step towards coping with HIV/AIDS for those infected.

Most participants emphasized the need for HIV disclosure as a way of opening up for support and of helping infected people to cope with the physical and psychological stressors that come with the virus as they explained:

Disclosure has helped us to be strong… in such a way that we are getting the support that we need in the support groups. W.FGD

After knowing my status, I told myself I am like that and I will never change and I must give others the word…. S1. FGD.







The Focus Group Discussions by seven HIV-positive men indicated that they had a changed perception on various problematic issues in HIV/AIDS like testing, stigma, disclosure and social support. The HIV-positive men identified much with the character Viwe (model) due to her courage to test and disclose openly to her family and community, as well as starting a support group to help others. They saw Viwe as their hero because she was strong and, therefore, gave them hope as one of them noted:

Yah for me according to the role that they play I think Viwe is the hero because she is the one who talks about disclosure she is not afraid. W.FGD.

Tsha Tsha encouraged HIV-positive men to talk about certain important issues in HIV/AIDS such as reduction of sexual partners, using safety measures, seeking treatment and the need to live humanly with those infected. The HIV-positive men saw the programme as very encouraging because it teaches people and gives them information about HIV/AIDS.

I see only one thing that this cassette is very good to show people […people must] go and check their status, maybe this cassette can be used to teach to change that disclosure is normal. S2. FGD.

In line with supporting their partners (their roles and responsibilities), most of them were abandoned and were no longer in a relationship because their partners had ‘ran away’ after they disclosed, and perhaps Tsha Tsha should have addressed the issue of partners being abandoned after they disclosed. However, out of watching Tsha Tsha they indicated a changed perception of their roles in a relationship. Most importantly, the findings in this research indicated that masculinity is changing with some men taking responsibility of themselves and ‘partners’ (others), through disclosure after testing. It has also indicated Tsha Tsha’s contribution in providing lessons that brings about a change in perception in men’s roles and responsibilities in HIV/AIDS.













References

Bandura, A., (1969). Principles of Behaviour modification. New York: Holt Reinehart, Inc.
Bandura, A., (1971). Social Learning Theory. Morristown, N.J: General Learning.
Bandura, A., (1977). Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall
Bandura, A., (2003). Combating Aids: Communication strategy in action. New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London: Sage.
Downing, J., Mohammadi, A., & Sreberny- Mahammadi, A., (1990). Questioning the media: a critical introduction. Newbury Park: Sage.
Gupta, R., (2000). Gender, sexuality and HIV/AIDS: the What and How. Washington DC: International Center for research in Women.
Hall, S., (1977).. Culture, the media and ideological effects In Curran, J., Gurevitch, M., & Wollacott, J. (Eds). Mass Communication and society. London: Edward.
Kometsi, K. (2004). Unreal. Pretoria: Center for the study of AIDS University of Pretoria.
Mane, P., & Aggleton, P., (2001). Gender and HIV/AIDS: What do men have to do with it? In current sociology. Nov. 2001, Vol. 49. No. 6: 23-37.
Morley, D., (1980). The ‘nationwide’ audience: Structure and decoding. London: British Film Institute.
Morley, D., (1986). Family Television: Cultural power and domestic Leisure. London: Routlegde.
Morell, R., (2001). Changing men in South Africa. London, New York Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press.
Posel, D., (2004). Sex, Death and embodiment: Reflection on the stigma of AIDS in Angincourt, South Africa. Paper presented at the Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research seminar, Johannesburg.
Reid, G., & Walker, L., (2005). Men behaving differently. Cape Town: Double storey
Zlotnick, D., (2002. An exploration of male sexuality with respect to sexual orientation and sex role characteristics, Johannesburg: university o

Kwaito: Sexual semiotics and representation of women in the media

As a media analyst and consultant, I have been keen on understanding how media covers and represents certain societal issues. On top of my list has been how the media represents identity, particularly gender issues. Owing to the fact that there are real power relations, in terms of gender, that define social order in both ancient and modern societies, we have seen patterns that seem to perpetrate the notion of patriarchy and the male domination being reinforced.

Due to the fact that the media, at least to some extent, simply reflects what society is, it has not escaped the reinforcement of gender stereotypes in its modes of address (how the media invites viewers into particular viewing habits) through kwaito music. The media is one of the most powerful forces for influencing societal attitudes and perceptions. It has therefore become subject to many criticism and studies.

Most interventions addressing the gender gap, particularly the under representation of women in the media, have mainly focused on news. Although news events represent reality, media effects cannot simply be measured in terms of news. Even when reading news, audiences carry with them texts from different media, channels and programmes (intertextuality).

There is increasing global popularity of music as a popular culture. In South Africa, special reference can be made to Kwaito music which is dramatically shaping the urban youth culture. It has been argued that women are represented in Kwaito music through the lyrics and the use of signs (signifiers and signifieds) to create a narrative that portrays them as submissive and sexual objects of the ‘unseen man’s gaze’.

Often the lyrics are normally sung by the male and women respond to the male voice while dancing in a sexually explicit manner. The emerging female artists that contest this male dominated “Kwaito space” also seem to perpetrate this trend through their lyrics and dancing. It is important therefore to consider the extent at which this popular culture represents women in an attempt to address the gendered construction of power and the perpetuation of stereotypes about women through the media. With Kwaito increasingly becoming popular and celebrated in the SADC region, it might be a very subtle way of legitimizing gendered stereotypes.

But what really is Kwaito?

According to Simon Stephens, Kwaito music is a contemporary black dance music that has emerged over the past decade and become intensively popular in South Africa. It is an evolution of music known as “bubblegum” or South African disco and other international sounds thrown in. The music is created in the studio using synthesizers and computers and is performed live using CD backing tracks. Many of the producers of Kwaito are DJs, either from radio or clubs, and they are exclusively male. The music usually consists of a male rapper with mostly female singing, and generally it is rapped and sung in tsotsitaal, a township slung that combines various South African languages.

DJ Diplo described kwaito as poor South African kids’ form of slowed-down garage music."Kwaito's lyrics are usually in indigenous South African languages or in English, although several languages can be found in the same song. The name kwaito itself is derived from the Afrikaans word Kwaai, meaning "angry". This Afrikaans word is derived from the Isicamtho, South African township slang, word amakwaitosi, meaning "gangster".

Arthur Mafokate, one of the founding fathers of kwaito describes the relationship between kwaito and "gangster" being because it is "all about the ghetto music". Kwaito was born in Soweto, one of the townships where blacks were forced to live during the time of apartheid. Similarly, kwaito has been referred to as the "sound of the ghetto", and emerged from the most economically depressed areas of South Africa.

Kwaito is the music associated with the black youth of post-apartheid South Africa. Essentially a form of dance music, in its most common form kwaito is intentionally apolitical and represents music "after the struggle". However, the term "kwaito" also has recently refered to a whole youth culture complete with the vernacular and fashion norms. Various competing opinions debate the origin of the word Kwaito.

From Isicamtho; the South African township slang, composed of different indigenous languages integrated with the languages of colonial English and Afrikaans, comes the word amakwaitosi, meaning “gangster”, driven from Afrikaans’ “kwaai”, which means strict or angry. M’du, one of the pioneering Kwaito artists says the word derived from the Afrikaans slang word “kwaai” which is parallel to our slang English words "cool" or "hot." However, Stephens’s translation of the Afrikaans word ‘kwaai’ means excellent.

Party Music
Kwaito is therefore seen as party music however, its lyrics and live performances are renowned for sexual explicitness of the dancing. In a research conducted by Stephens, most male respondents insisted that the lyrics in Kwaito are irrelevant and many claimed that they only listen to Kwaito for the beat and the instrument. This is something I must agree with because it reminds me of my first head-on encounter with Kwaito in Botswana, at a famous place in Gaborone called Kofifi. This was my first outing in Gaborone after my friend Aldo, a Kenyan of Somali origin, offered to buy me a couple of drinks and some roasted meat.

In Botswana, people normally have a culture of driving and gathering around a small trading centre next to a butchery and a liquor store to refill their stomachs when they are short of meat or beer respectively. This happens amidst a hectic musical noise of a number of kwaito songs, mostly imported from South Africa, from the parked vehicles with plenty of female company who always dance in a sexual manner next to the flashy cars. On that occasion, I recall, the only thing I enjoyed was the beat or the instrumental and I must confess, the female dances. However, this could have been due to the fact that I did not understand the language combination that forms Kwaito.

Kwaito songs often take the form of a dialogue between a man and a woman, where a man says certain sexually explicit words and the women respond to those male voices in agreement. A good example is the DJ Cleo’s song Sis Nghamba Nawe. In this song, the video shows a scene in a bar with DJ Cleo trying to convince one of the ladies he has just met to come home with him after a couple of drinks and identifying other girls for his friends to go home with too. The irony in this song is that the friend to the lady DJ Cleo wants to go home with is quick to respond ‘that she’s coming with him too’ without being asked. She does this with a sexy desperate voice.

This song has been criticized, mostly by women for portraying them as cheap, promiscuous and ready to sleep with a man they just met after a few rounds of alcohol. Another song by Mandoza called Sigelekeke meaning ‘cutting the cake’ was banned out from the airwaves due to its sexually explicit nature. ‘Cutting the cake’ here referred to “f*****g” and the video was composed of women dressed in a sexy manner showing sexually explicit dances on top of the bed. Arthur Mafokate‘s song Vuvuzela is also ranked in the same league of sexually explicit lyrics.


Club and radio DJs are the popular men behind Kwaito. DJ Cleo started composing albums in 1995 and has since used his composing skills to make hits for artists like Mandoza, Brown Dash and others. One interesting thing is that his song Sis Nghamba Nawe has been a hit to both women and men and it has helped him renew his confidence with kwaito fans as the savior of kwaito music, which, according to him, is dying.

On the other hand, kwaito star Arthur Mafokate is seen to be one of the pioneers of the Kwaito music genre. He is credited with creating the first kwaito hit with his 1995 song Kaffir. While the song itself is notable musically for spearheading a new genre of music, its lyrics reflect the new freedoms that emerged after the political changes of 1994, including the implementation of a new constitution and democratic election system. The title, "Kaffir," is a derogatory term used mostly in South Africa as a racial slur to refer to black people. In his song, Mafokate protests against the use of the word "kaffir,” The song sold in excess of 150,000 copies and largely influenced the state of kwaito today.


With such popular Kwaito producers and artists perpetrating gender stereotypes through their music videos and lyrical content, and they still enjoy popularity through the media that boosts their record sales, there is a danger that they could just be legitimizing certain stereotypes about women and their sexuality through their songs.

The sad thing is that the women who emerged to contest this male dominated space such as the late Brenda Fassie and Lebo Mathosa, and most recently Kelly Khumalo and Chomie have also been caught up with the idea of ‘sex sells’ for the sake of profit and therefore, have done little in freeing the female body from sexual objectification by men. They seem to have their own version of portraying sexuality which seems to reinforce what their male counterparts are preaching and seem to find majority support from the male audiences.

Blessed Ngwenya, a junior lecturer in media studies at UNISA and a close friend agrees that “music should consider contemporary cultural issues”. In the case of kwaito, there is an urban youth culture that identify with the sexual expression and body politic that symbolises a greater degree of freedom in post apartheid South Africa. He says furthermore, “the album has to sell, try not to consider the sexual content and the lyrics and see how much you can sell”.

He adds that “kwaito, as a product, has been caught up in the market (music business), just like other brands and it is simply trying to survive through strategies that will appeal to its target audience”. Ngwenya argues that “we cannot be singing about ethics all the time if they don’t appeal to the target audience”. He suggests that perhaps the ethical work should be left for gospel music, which is also gaining popularity amongst the youth in South Africa. “Perhaps gospel music counter and capitalise on the ethical gap created by kwaito”, he suggests.

Some Kwaito ingredients in the media
It is obvious that the media gives popularity to certain artists and songs. Just like kwaito, the media can sacrifice ethical content for the sake of profit. Urban youth radio stations, and magazines, many of which have been founded and influenced through kwaito as a youth culture, depend on Kwaito as a building block for their survival. To them, Kwaito is what the listeners want to hear and the strengths of Kwaito are in their sexually explicit nature which appeal to the audiences- the two are indivisible.

There is no doubt therefore that there is very little that the media can do concerning the choice of “ethical Kwaito” music for its audiences. There cannot be gospel time slots in Y fm scheduling for instances to replace Kwaito because this will be interfering with the target market. It seems as if the entertainment media both print and broadcast has some kwaito ingredients in their very nature that determined their existence and will go a long way in shaping their destiny.

Conclusively, the society is yet to willingly accept (hegemony) the many gender stereotypes popularised and perpetrated or even born by kwaito that seem natural and acceptable because ‘the times have changed’. Through Kwaito therefore, suffice it to argue, the media invites and positions audiences into particular viewing habits as subjects of the sexually explicit content that they find acceptable beyond reasonable doubt and cannot contest.



Writers Profile: Fredrick Ogenga has a bachelors and a masters degree in Media & Journalism studies. He is an indipendent media consultant & analyst, a freelance writer, reporter for africanews.com, lecturer in Media & journalism and the founding director of Tazama media consultants closed corporate company. He is also pursuing a PHD in media studies at the University of Witwatersrand. Ogenga has published widely in the field of gender, HIV/AIDS, health and other socio-political issues and is listed in the UNAIDS database of consultants. His latest contribution on gender and HIV/AIDS can be found in the fourth issue of the 2008 media diversity journal at www.genderlinks.org.za. He also runs his own blog www.tazamamediaconsultants.blogspot.com

My views on Appiah's Cosmopolitanism

My friend Kat from Germany today mentioned to me an idea that I haven’t heard before about cosmopolitanism. I know the word cosmopolitan therefore, my curiosity led me to read on Obaze Osoleka’s views on Appiah’s work on cosmopolitanism. A quick note that I made is that even shared commonalities in terms of human values, norms, culture, traditions etc that he mentions do not take place in a vacuum and neither do they occur in an ideologically free zone. They are all relative to the boundaries, physical or otherwise, that are present and real in our global societies irrespective of nation, race, class or even gender that dictates our versions of realities. In this context, therefore, anything beyond and different from what the values, based on this functions, that our so called shared commonalities have allowed us to access within our boundaries is strange to us.



If Appiahs’s claim is to be tested in this modern world, then you will agree with me that “intelligence and curiosity as well as engagement” is impossible to achieve in a world driven by market place computer technology, where there is still division among those able to access such devices and those that can actually access them. How many people can access computers in my rural Kadem constituency in Kenya to share ‘our’ intelligent thoughts about fish and the myth,which is almost like a fact, that my people believe in that if you eat the brains of a fish you will be intelligent? (statistically, Luo’s are the most intelligent tribe in Kenya). Now, whether this is a result of years of fish eating from Lake Victoria is unreliable and still needs scientific validation.



If Appiah’s cosmopolitanism intellectual engagement means people actually travelling to other places in the world and experiencing new insights as strangers and does not include communication devices like the internet, blogs ect, then I am afraid that the world has almost 100% chances of being hit by a meteorite from space than realising cosmopolitanism. If we put technology in the picture, then I am equally afraid that we fall at risk of sliding into Marxist territories where market forces determining the nature of communication, that is, primitive and rural societies will always remain information malnourished due to political economy that involves ownership of communication devices dominated by multinational giants like Apple, Microsoft on one hand and Google and yahoo on the other, CNN and BBC on one side and Alajazeera and SABC- Africa on the other and the complexities in installing such devices. I addition these global communication giants have their capitalistic ambitions in terms of what their gatekeepers allow them to pass through or not to the public and this is not a space free of ideologies.



It is in this space that old notions of identity and 'othering'such as stereotypes, xenophobia, tribalism, racism are still being exercised and will continue to thrive. Clearly, there cannot be cosmopolitanism in a world without technological and other interactions. Traditional human interaction is already in jeopardy. While there are claims about free movement of people and commodities, there are even more severe measures put in place in terms of Visas and immigration policies that make it difficult for strangers to meet and thereofore, rendering such claims meaningless. In South Africa for example, there is a new Visa requirement for international students that requires them to posses a South African Medical cover to be accepted at Wits. Previously, they could come with their own cover. While this might look convenient, especially when one falls ill, it is expensive making, it difficult to get admission and thus, exclude some foreign students from poor countries. These problematic issues are still fresh and real in my brain. I think Appiah’s thoughts on cosmopolitanism are quite sexy and seductive but are, just like many others, still romanticised, idealistic and far from reality. However, they are quite engaging and interesting.



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Who said this is Kikuyu-Luo battle?

"Tawala Kenya, tawala...Rais Odinga tawala Kenya tawala.."

This were the words that formed the song chanted by protesters in Kisumu, the opposition home turf. The words of the song translated as "Lead kenya, lead us...President Odinga". This song was done despite governement's stern warning that the so called nationwide "peaceful" demonstration were illegal and they will not allow people to demonstrate. The roudy youths carried leaves and branches and barricaded roads. Some youths set fire a coffin with a potrait of President Kibaki symbolising the death of democracy.

It was not only in Kisumu that protest took place, the three day nationwide protest called by the opposition leader that is meant to push the government to meet their demands was also taking place in other parts of the country. In Nairobi, police guarded the famous Uhuru Park (freedom park) where opposition leaders planned a massive rally. There was alot of tension and most busineses renained closed. Police fired teargas and live bullets in the air to disperse a group of chanting opposition leaders and their followers as they attempted to make their way into Uhuru Park. Elsewhere, in mombasa and eldoret, the police had to deal with similar situations.

What is surprising in the violence that has since rocked the country, following the disputed presidential election, is that the focus has shifted. It is now not a Kikuyu- Luo war so to speak, but a war between a government which does not want to compromise and respect the will of the majority (the people of Kenya) and citizens. A governement that is employing military tacticts as a depserate means to cling to power. Who said this was a Luo-Kikuyu tribal war? If so, why is it that all over sudden the focus is now between the governement police and the demonstrators? I am now hearing more of the police shooting and killing innocent demonstrators than the early reports of Luos or Kalenjins killing the Kikuyu.

Yes, the kikuyus are displaced, why? because they fear that they may, like so many were in the begining of this crisis, victimised by the actions of an irresponsible leader. Infact, if Kibaki cares about the kikuyu, then he should clearly resign for their sake. Most of the kikuyus are now refugees in their own country. Infact, even the Kikuyu's themselves do not approve what happened. It is only a handful of his loyal supporters that are supporting him in what appears to be a case of  goverment using excessive force on ordinary 'wanainchi' or citizens who are just excersising their democratic right to protest just as they did when they voted.

This is why I insist that this is not a tribal battle, it is a battle to salvage the country from the arms of capitalists and economic vultures that are sucking the bloods of kenyans. The EU, US and UK should impose heavy sanctions on this regime and ban the regime from traveling to those regions for the sake of democracy and respect for human rights. Kibaki is certainly between a rock and a hard place and the only good thing he can do to Kenya now, is to accept that the people of Kenya did not elect him as the president.

The orders to "shoot to kill" protesters are unacceptable in a democractic country. Anyone who does that  should not be spared for the killing of innocent Kenyans. Accountability for such actions should be extended to all those involved whether in government or oppossition. Kenya is a democracy not a military state with a military ruler. If the current violence continues, the economy, just like democracy, will be in crisis. Eventualy, push shall have come to shove and guess what? Cabinet members will all relocate abroad with the money they have made out of plunder and corruption and leave ordinary Kenyans to suffer.

Rape and HIV/AIDS

South Africa's twin epidemic

" South Africa has two epidemics, one of HIV and the other one of sexual violence, " says Marlise Richter, a researcher at the Aids Law Projec (ALP) at the university of Witwatersrand. " And the two are closely linked, " she adds.

According to the most recent available statistics from the South African Police Servise, 52,733 cases of rape were reported in 2003/2004 and this slightly increased in 2005/2006 to 54,926., reafirming South Africa's unenviable claim of being the rape capital of the world. South Africa also has an adult HIV/AIDS prevalence rate of 20 percent , giving it another unenviable title, that of the country with the highest number of HIV infected people. The two figure are not coincidental argues Richter. She says rape and HIV/AIDS are closely linked and the linkage happens at the level of gender.

However high the number of rape cases are in South Africa, my independent research with perpetrators of rape awaiting trial at the Sun City prison (Jahannesburg Prison) indicates that some of the reported cases were false cases. This is a situation whereby some women consent to sex and later, due to disagreement with their partners, the women go and report that they have been raped. In some incidences, this interviewees claimed that their girlfriends, wives or simply put, long term partners report them for rape for simple financial reasons in cases where the two have financial disputes over property and othe material things. Although this responses may be biased, they cannot be dismissed and to some extent, they complicate statistics that solely rely on cases that have been reported to the police and do not indicate statistics of actual convitions depending on whether the perpetrators were found guilty or not in a court of law. This is where the problem is.

Nevertheless, the mechanics of rape , characterised as it is by force, violence and trauma, combined with the biology of HIV transmission through semen and blood, create an ideal opportunity to spread HIV infection. '" From a medical perspective, rape is characterised by bleeding and considering the fact that there is high HIV prevalence in South Africa, it is only logical that those who are raped are at high risk of contracting HIV," says Richter.

Although understanding the mode of infectious transmission may be relatively straightfoward, explaining South Africa's alarming rape statistics is much more complicated. Sadiyya Haffejee, a researcher with the Gender Unit at the Centre for the Studdy of Violence and Reconciliation, says the widespread prevalence of rape is a legacy of the culture of violence that sustained arpatheid and a product of the current pace of rapid and ongoing social transformation. " South Africa is traditionally a male dominated and patriarchal society and research suggest that rape is more prevalent in such societies. A culture of violence has also dominated South Africa for years and the current level of criminal and political violence, rooted in arpatheid and the political struggle to overthrow it , has left many with a sense of powerlesness."

This is the sense of powerlessness among men as South Africa transforms into a democratic society that is rapidly redefining traditional gender roles, especialy, relationships. It is manifetsed in extreme examples of antisocial behaviour, least of all rape. According to Dr Hellen Jones, a senior lecturer in criminology at Manchester Metropolitan University in the UK, " rape is not a gender neutral activity. People do not rape, men rape. Rape is also about power and control, not about sex." Jones also argues that the many 'rape myths' widely propagated in South Africa, such as the belief that men rape because they cannot control their sexual lust and that women enjoy being raped, contribute to the sense of social permissiveness around rape.

While changing the social conditions that underlies South Africa's horrific rape statistics and the consequent implications for spreading HIV/AIDS remains a long term and profoundly complex challenge, anti rape and HIV/AIDS activists are persuing a number of campaigns to effect immediate changes to adress the twin epidemics of rape and HIV/AIDS, including legal responces, educational campaigns, and more rigorous application of health policies.

" The Department of Health has very limited guidelines on rape and that is why we at the Aids Law Project are pushing for an extensive guideline. The current guideline for instance does not deal with the relationship between violence againist women and the risk of HIV transmission, "says Richter. The ALP is also pushing for better implementation of existing health policies that entitle women to post exposure prophylaxis to prevent HIV transmission following a rape. The ALP also publishes a handbook that provide critical legal and medical information to rape survivors to prevent HIV transmission.

HIV/AIDS…tell people that they must be normal; they must take care of themselves.

Rape accounts for a number of HIV/AIDS cases in South Africa. Some of these incidences go unreported or untold. With high rates of rape in South Africa, it is never very far from your doorstep. Dorcas Ndou came face to face with rape two years ago when she was only 20. She was raped and worse still, infected with what so many people still consider a deadly Virus, HIV.

Like any other rape survivor, she was confused and traumatised at the time,
“When I went to the clinic after they raped me I tested positive. I was sic, I was stressed, I got cancelled… they cancelled me at the Baragwanath Hospital”.

After dealing with the trauma of rape, Dorcas had to deal with yet another reality-HIV/AIDS. “I was like confused and stressed then I got canselled, I am coping good, like I am used to this infection…I got it …I was raped, I got that infection from rape there is nothing good, like I am used to this disease”.

Although Jane found life difficult after being raped and infected with HIV, she explains what enabled her to cope “ I was eating healthy foods …and I take some herbs. I was drinking tablets but now I don’t take tablets because they make me sic … the only disease that makes me sic is flu…then I eat garlic…I boil garlic then I pour fish oil then I drink it”.

Apart from eating healthy foods, Jane was lucky because, unlike many other people who disclose, no one rejected her and she got the necessary support from the family members when she disclosed to them, “My parents and my colleagues adviced me…like I must not be scared, I must be normal like other people…eish … I become happy like when they talk to me like that. No one has rejected me”.


She claims that people must disclose and take care of their bodies by eating healthy food. “… People who are infected must be themselves, like...they must be like other people, they must not be scared of this disease”. Jane claims that she can help other people by counselling them about HIV “they must feel free, eat healthy food and disclose to other people, telling other people about this disease”. She gave a brief example of her diet on a typical day, “Vegetables, fruits like fruit juices… I eat liquid food … like juice which have lots of fruits… they are expensive…like my mother is trying to buy them”

“I am used to this disease”, she says. She admits though, that the future seems bad for her, but she is trying to make it better, “ Now my future is bad, but I want to make it better by studying and getting advice from other people, from my brother, other sisters like nurses and my educators at school and advising other people too”.


Jane is neither planning to have a boyfriend nor sex anymore. “Eish because like I am infected, I don’t want to infect other people. Condoms are not 100 percent effective”. She says. “ I am studying tourism and Mathematics at Naledi secondary school. She says when she finishes high school, she wants to be a social worker. "I would like to tell people that they must be normal; they must take care of themselves. They must eat healthy food and they must not have unprotected sex they must use a condom”. She adds.

The story of Jane is a story of hope. It shows how so much can be done to combat HIV/AIDS. Voicing the experiences of those who are infected and involving them in HIV/AIDS interventions is now a must. As the English saying goes, “Who feels it knows it”.

Our Media

Which media tells the truth? I have to thank the Kenyan media for striving to be objective while exposing the truth in what has since robbed Kenya it's international reputation as a stable democracy and a model for Africa. The events unfolding in Kenya were uncalled for, untimely and quite unexpected. However, as much as they seemed to have surprised the world, I was not very surprised because I already had a bad feeling about the elections, especially when the Electoral Commission of Kenya delayed announcing the winner of the presidential votes and eventually suspending the process due to " public pressure".

I remember how I was roaming everywhere to get hold of the latest news about the elections, being a kenyan living in South Africa,  I simply could not be satisfied by Aljazeera, Sky News, BBC, dont even mention CNN. In many occassions, I was channel hoping and not even SABC Africa - I wonder how prominent African issues are to them, they seemed to be focusing on other issues and proximity to them did not count as a news value - could satisfy me. CNBC-Africa should just delete the word "Africa" attached on CNBC, because everytime I am tuned in, they are always reporting on stories in the United States and Europe. Anyway, the internet came in handy and thanks God the Kenyan daily newspaper online (Daily Nation) was available.

On this day, while busy reading nation online, a female kenyan friend walked in shouting " hey Fred, I thought I would find you here." She sounded happy, but, at the same time, had an empty expresion on her face. Then, well, we had to update ourselves on whatever election news we had. Knowing that I am Luo, she told me that Raila, the Luo opposition leader, was still ahead of Kibaki, the Kikuyu. She was not literaly mentioning the two tribes but what she said later, convinced me that she realy wants victory for Kibaki, since Kibaki belongs to her tribe. She said Raila is now leading with a difference of 200,000 votes and continued that the government is planning to delete names starting with letters "O" and "A", which happens to be Luo names, in Raila's Lang'ata costituency so that he can loose his parliarmentary seat. She seemed not to have any problem with such fraud.

For you to be President in Kenya, you have to be an elected member of parliament as one of the requirements by law. I was shocked to find out from the news that Raila's name was actualy missing from the voter register just like she said and several other names. Raila's second name is Odinga. From that point, I knew things will terribly go wrong in this year's election. I remember telling my friend at the cybercafe that I also suspect, due to the delayed announcement that Kibaki will be declared the winner, but I also warned her that if that is the case, and given the support the opposition has in Kenya, it will create chaos. I was not shocked when violence erupted in Kenya.

Extensive coverage by the international media followed. This focus included heavy criticism that reminded me of major stereotypes the West still have about Africa and Kenya in particular. A wholesale statement about their reporting suggested that the Kenyan situation is nothing different from the tribal wars in Rwanda and Burundi and others. It was simply the Luo fighting the Kikuyu as a result of the disputed elections and not a war as a result of genuine electoral fraud. Infact, it turned out to be other tribes fighting in Rift Valley.

With little hopes of knowing what was happening at home - I have to thanks to media diversity, because while this kind of reporting came largely from Sky News, BBC and CNN, Aljazeera reported more accurately, putting issues into perspective and in their right context - I was very worried. Most Kenyans know that this is not a tribal war, it is a war for economic reforms. The poor are fed up with empty promises from selfish politicians. Little wonder that the hot spots of the clashes are areas with poor people (slum areas of major cities and rural areas). The electoral fraud only heightened ribal suspicions in such areas which later turned into physical battles as rival tribes accused and counter accused each other for their economic plight.

The victimized here, obviously, are the kikuyu because, over the years and since independence, they seemed to have accumulated wealth and are better off than other communities in the country. The economic position of the Kikuyu invited envy from others and can be presumed to be the genesis  of tribal alignments whereby members of the other communities ganged up with the hopes of dis-empowering them. Some communities in Kenya belive Kikuyu's are largely responsible for their poverty. However, nothing can justify the killings but what in now clear now is that Kenyans will not allow selfish leaders in office anymore in future because they have learnt the hard way.

This perhaps marks the death of rigging in future elections and the begining of  genuine democracy where people's voices are respected and leaders are ready to leave office if defeated in elections. The Kenyan media should be given a thumbs up for preaching peace and should keep on preaching peace irrespective of what the foriegn media reports. Afterall, as the first president of Kenya, the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta said "Kenya is Marwa Nobody Can Tunya's"  or Kenya is ours, nobody can take it away from us, the responsibility of building our beloved nation rests with us. Kenyatta's expression combines Luo, Kikuyu and english to represent the diversity of the kenyan people, let us protect Kenya.

How journalists should work with scientists in health reporting

By Fredrick Ogenga
Former MA student, HIV/AIDS and the Media Project.

Recently, I was one of the delegates at a 2 day health care media exchange seminar at Hackle Brooke in Craig Park. The exchange was sponsored by Mescheme and co supported by Africa Media assd the media projecte is the level at which scientists and journalists find it difficult to speak the same language about health issues particularly HIV/AIDS.

Often, these two groups of people are suspicious of each other. Kanyi Ndaki a health reporter from IRIN plus news briefly describes it as “mistrust between the scientific community and journalists”. She says journalists find it difficult to deal with people who don’t trust and respect them. She however accepts that yes, journalists have a problem in understanding science. This results in overstating, dumping down statistics and figures.

Although there are several health issues that affect us, one that we cannot escape mentioning is HIV/AIDS. In retrospect, HIV/AIDS in the media has been, time and again, portrayed as a “killer”. Messages on TV, radio, print and other forms of media “scared the audience off”. Rachel Jewekes, director Media Research Council’s Gender and Health Unit and one of the panellists in the exchange, observes a situation where the media focuses in portraying those infected as innocent victims leading to stigmatisation.

The linking of HIV/AIDS to horrible death has made those infected resist rather than accept their status, she says. This encourages denial limiting testing and support for those infected. Jewekes explains that HIV/AIDS reporting has led to the dissemination of harmful myths such as virgin cleansing and rape (the infected raping virgins believing they will be cured of HIV/AIDS) including baby rape. This area of reporting (rape) has been uncritical. There is very little educational component is such reporting.

The idea of baby rape she adds has been repeated several times in the media perpetrating the myth. Journalists should take clear responsibility in what they report. Increasing example of good reporting involves utilistaion of various sources and angles including educational angles and what she calls “social value based journalism” which present ways in which people make real meaning of AIDS in their lives.

Problems in reporting often lie in accuracy in statistics and media accuracy. Journalists should have a critical reflection of their sources of information (mainly scientists). They should be health experts and act as social leaders in HIV/AIDS and other health issues. They should challenge attitudes and values through rigorous fact checking, and searching for underlying issues rather than attention grabbing parts of a story.

Marietje Myburg regional coordinator (communication), Governance and AIDS Program talks about “what journalists need to know from science to enable them tell citizens what they need to know”. This is a situation where journalists hold scientists responsible to give citizens power to know. They should not simplify what is complicated and not complicate what is simple”. Reporting on science requires honesty, she adds. Journalists should ask if they are sure about what they wrote. They should know the extent at which the story accommodates the experience of strangers.

As far as journalism is concerned, this is a tall order indeed. Journalists can try and include all the recommendations discussed above when reporting, particularly on HIV/AIDS. But it does not necessary mean that their reporting will lead to behaviour change. Dr Soul Johnson, managing director of Health Development Africa suggests enforcing certain standards on reporting (by law) and the way advertising present issues of national importance. However, he adds that people’s perceptions of social norms influence how other people behave. HIV/AIDS being a complex issue, a simple media intervention or reporting can hardly address such a complexity.

HIV/AIDS involves issues of gender relations – perceived societal cultural norms and traditions and how to overcome such issues are beyond the ability of a media intervention. Johnson suggests solution hrough ethical standards in reporting by giving a story a human face. In the case of HIV/AIDS then it should have some information on how to cope. Journalists can work with scientists in the science of health if they are expected to be active participants in the process.

Even peace is a human rights issue

I strongly disagree with the statement made by a member of the Kenya National commission for Human Rights mr Maina Kiai that " The kenyan media failed to search underneath the surface to look for the root cause of a political crisis". He was accusing the Kenyan media of hiding the reality, especialy related to what many saw as tribal cleansing related to the disputed presidential elections in Kenya. He continued that " The only way to peace is through truth and justice. Its not enough to be calm ; we need the truth". I am reffering to the article titled " Kenyan media spurns violence and calls for peace" pubished by The Star, Tuesday 10 2008

There are several issues that Maina should thoroughly understand. First, is that one of the role of the media is to inform but within the boundaries of social responsibility. Even as the media strives to report the truth to the public by giving out facts and real objective accounts of events that take place to satisfy there interest, it has to do this in a manner not likey to incite the society into more violence. Secondly, that the idea of tribalism is an identity problem and it is worsened by the stereotypes attached to the "other" whether negatiove or positive. Everyone knows that identity issues are ideological and one of the ways in which ideology thrives is through propaganda and naming or blaming of the "other". So the fact that the kenyan media avoided the naming of either the victims or perpetrators of the violence in Kenya and chose to preach peace only demonstares the maturity of our media. It further proves that the Kenyan media realy upholds and respects its role in the Kenyan society as a socialy responsible media.

I can continue arguing to inform Mr Maina that in any human rights issue related to two or more conflicting interest groups, the rule of law anywhere in the world will defend the idea of balancing rights to see which right outweighs the other, or which one infringes on the other. In this case, the Kenyan media seems to understand that the right to peace outweighs the right for kenyans to know (freedom to recieve information) which tribe is killing which one and in what manner, something that will only aggrevate the whole situation. Therefore, Mr Maina should rethink his position and agree that the Kenyan media is playing a critical socially responsible role to see us through in the current problematic situation.